S-172: Lee Harvey Oswalds Links to Intelligence Agencies

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From the massive array of handwritten notes, memos, interview transcripts and intelligence reports—many of them partly or entirely illegible—a few intriguing and surprising revelations have emerged so far:. During the interrogation, Salazar claimed he remarked that Oswald must have been a good shot. I knew him. In a document dated November 24, , J. Identified by another source as Francisco Rodriguez Tamayo, he was said in another newly released document to be the head of an anti-Castro training camp in Louisiana.

Capell, claimed that when Monroe threatened to expose the relationship, Kennedy may have had something to do with her death. Add to Watchlist Unwatch. Watch list is full. Longtime member. May not ship to Germany - Read item description or contact seller for shipping options.

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See all condition definitions - opens in a new window or tab Read more about the condition. About this product. Business seller information. Contact details. Return policy. Refer to eBay Return policy for more details. In the first camp are those who argue, in the spirit of Marx and Weber, that the history of a major power is determined by large social forces; thus the accident of an assassination, even if conspiratorial, is of little historical import.

At the other end of the spectrum are those who talk of an Invisible Government or Secret Team, who believe that surface events and institutions are continuously manipulated by unseen forces. For these people the assassination exemplifies the operation of fundamental historical forces, not a disruption of them. For years I have attempted to formulate a third or middle position. To do so I have relied on distinctions formulated partly in neologisms or invented terms. I apologize for this: neologisms, like conspiracies, are not to be multiplied beyond necessity.

Thirty years ago I postulated that our overt political processes were at times seriously contaminated by manipulative covert politics or parapolitics , which I then defined as "a system or practice of politics in which accountability is consciously diminished. I discussed instead the interactions of what I called deep political processes , emanating from plural power sources and all only occasionally visible, all usually repressed rather than recognized.

In contrast to parapolitical processes, those of deep politics are open-ended, not securely within anyone's power or intentions. But it was also a specialized study, since in this case most of the repressed records of events, now declassified, occurred within the workings of the CIA, FBI, military intelligence, or their zones of influence. It was hence largely a study in parapolitics. Deep Politics , in contrast, looked continuously at the interaction between government and other social forces, such as the drug traffic.

Both books represented an alternative kind of history, or what we may perhaps call parahistory. Parahistory differs from history in two respects. First, it is an account of suppressed events, at odds with the publicly accepted history of this country. One might say that history is the record of politics; parahistory, the record of parapolitics. Second, parahistory is restored from records which were themselves once repressed.

In short, parahistory is a reconstructed account of events denied by the public records from which history is normally composed. A key example concerns a tape of someone calling himself "Lee Oswald," talking on a Soviet Embassy phone about having met a consul there by the name of Kostikov, a KGB agent. As we shall see, this tape should have been preserved and investigated as a prime piece of evidence to frame Oswald as an assassin. We have documentary evidence that one day after the President's murder this tape was listened to by FBI agents in Dallas, who determined that the speaker was in fact not Lee Harvey Oswald.

Yet almost immediately this event was denied by other reports, including cables claiming -- falsely -- that the tape had already been destroyed before the assassination. A brief but important digression here about history. Most people assume that "history" simply refers to what has happened but is now gone.

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In fact the dictionary reminds us that the word cognate to the word "story" refers primarily to a narrative or record of events, and only after that to "the events forming the subject matter of history. These dictionary definitions seem to assume that what is true is also what is recorded.

There is thus a latent bias in the evolution of the word "history" that is related to the structuralist, rationalist assumptions referred to in my first paragraph. It is no accident that, with respect to Oswald in Mexico, historians as a class have opposed the parahistory we shall unfold here. History has always been the way a culture chooses to record and remember itself; and it tends to treat official records with a respect they do not always deserve.

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We shall return to the role of history in our concluding section. Deep Politics II only verged from parahistory into deep political history when as we shall see it situated actions and reports from the CIA in Mexico City in the social context of actions of a sister agency the Mexican Federal Security Directorate, or DFS which was deeply enmeshed in the unrecorded operations of the Mexican-U. Note the methodological distinction here. Parahistory can be partly recovered by the disclosure of previously repressed records. Deep political history must attempt to reconstruct what happened in areas where there are few if any records at all.

It is reasonable to talk about the CIA records in this book as repressed, as so many of them were never allowed to reach even the Warren Commission.

New Kennedy Documents Say FBI Was Tipped Off Oswald Was In Danger After Arrest

More importantly, the CIA and FBI conspired to suppress a major clue to the existence of a pre-assassination conspiracy. This was that an unknown person had falsely presented himself as Lee Oswald in a phone call to the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City. Later the FBI and CIA conspired, swiftly and clumsily, to conceal both the falsity of the impersonation and the fact that FBI agents had exposed the falsehood by listening to the tape.

The Warren Commission learned nothing about these two facts. It is important to understand that this suppression was entirely consistent with intelligence priorities of the period. This important clue had been planted in the midst of one of the most sensitive CIA operations in the s: its largest intercept operation against the telephones of an important Soviet base.

One can assume that this clue was planted by conspirators who knew that the CIA response would be to suppress the truth.

Was Lee Harvey Oswald an FBI Agent? : The JFK Assassination

As a result the CIA protected its sources and methods in accordance with the responsibilities enumerated in its enabling statute. The result was obstruction of justice in a crime of the highest political significance. In an open society, all of the Oswald facts and allegations would have reached the Warren Commission, whether or not they were true. The absence of objective evaluation and review allowed these facts and allegations about Oswald in Mexico to become enabling instruments of power: first to create the Warren Commission, and later to curtail its investigations.

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The power of these covert agencies to control US politics through the manipulation of truth is only one more reason for us to refer to them as kryptocracies, agencies of government which in contrast to conventional bureaucracies operate secretly and are not accountable for their actions and procedures. At this stage, I shall refer to kryptocracies in the plural, to make it clear that I am not talking about some single omnipotent Secret Team.

But even if we concede the autonomy of kryptocracies, how important are they in determining the course of history? I believe the evidence in this book will justify a limited answer to this question: the kryptocracies, and the CIA in particular, were powerful enough to control and defuse a possible crisis in U.

They did so by reinforcing an unsustainable claim: Oswald killed the President, and he acted alone. But the power of kryptocracies to influence history became even greater when, as we shall see, they acted in concert with forces allied to the powerful international drug traffic. Most people are unaware of the size of this unrecorded drug economy. In U. Government analysts estimated that the annual sales volume of illicit drugs exceeded half a trillion dollars.

While estimates of the unrecorded drug traffic remain questionable, it is obvious that this traffic is large enough to be a major factor in both the economic and political considerations of government, even while it does not form part of recorded economic statistics. For this reason, I propose the word kryptonomy , to name this unrecorded, illicit, but nonetheless important shadow economy. It is no accident that kryptocracies and the kryptonomy work in concert. The kryptonomy is so large, and so powerful, that governments have no choice but to plan to manage it, even before attempting to suppress it.

There is a third factor contributing to the invisible alliance of kryptocracies and the kryptonomy: the power of the independently wealthy, and of the banks that cater to them. Informed observers of American politics have more than once commented to me that most of the hundred wealthiest people in the US know each other, and in addition often have connections to both the CIA and to organized crime. Edgar Hoover at the same time as he sold stakes in his investments to mob figures like Jerry Catena, and enjoyed political influence in Mexico.

These connections are no accident. More often than not the extremely wealthy became that way by ignoring or bending the rules of society, not by observing them.